A Turbulent Year For German Foreign Policy

"This is a declaration of war against the entire civilized world. I have assured American president George Bush of Germany’s absolute solidarity."

That was German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder after September 11th, 2001. In the weeks after the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, the German government expressed absolute support for the United States.

Germany buries difference with U.S. to fight terror

Major sticking points between the two countries such as the U.S. refusal to agree to the Kyoto Protocol or Washington’s plans for a missile defense system were swept aside as the war against terrorism became the prime objective.

A joint manhunt began for those thought to be responsible for the attacks- primarily Osama Bin Laden’s Al Kaida network and the Taliban in Afghanistan

In the following months Germany not only morally, but also materially supported U.S. efforts to pacify Afghanistan.

In November 2001, the German government hosted the conference on the future of the war-torn country. When, on January 1st, 2002, an advance team from the international security force, ISAF, was sent to Kabul, the German government supplied 200 troops, making it the largest contingent.

US-President George Bush commended German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder during a visit to the White House in early 2002.

"I am very happy with Germany’s co-operation. They have sent troops to Afghanistan, and according to my military reports, have done an excellent job. I congratulate the Chancellor also on a successful Afghanistan conference in Bonn."

"Axis of Evil" speech estranges Germany

But despite the harmony between America and Germany during Chancellor Schröder’s visit, President Bush’s controversial State of the Union address in January this year where he referred to "Axis of Evil" which included North Korea, Iran and Iraq marred relations once again.

Germany, along with several other European Countries became wary of the U.S. stance to extend the war against terrorism to Iraq.

There were fears that the U.S. would use the terrorist attacks as a pretext to declare war on all unfavorable regimes. Furthermore, America’s European allies were worried that a strike against Iraq would provoke other Arab countries to leave the already unsteady anti-terror coalition.

Chancellor Schröder was critical of Washington’s plans for a military strike against Iraq. But he also made clear that Bush’s concerns about the country were legitimate.

"It is justified and reasonable to put pressure on Iraq and Sadam Hussein’s government, so that he complies with US demands: That is to allow inspectors into the country in order to check if weapons of mass destruction are being produced. That is what the American president meant, and I share his views."

But German foreign minister Joschka Fisher was more outspoken.

"We’re conducting an open discussion among partners and friends. We need to realize that the USA has a different outlook on things than we do as Europeans. vice versa, the USA must understand, that our view of some things is different."

President Bush floors Germany with conciliatory speech

In May this year, the U.S. President came to Europe in order smooth ruffled feathers after his comments about the Axis of Evil.

In his speech to the German parliament Bush said that despite the differences between Europe and the USA, both groups defended "the same house of freedom." And he warned against underestimating international terrorist organizations and those regimes such as Iraq, which harbored them.

Bush apparently found the words to assuage German worries of U.S. unilateralism.

German Foreign minister Fischer spoke of the US president’s "completely new tone."

Chancellor Schröder also commended the president. "I think that we just witnessed a very important speech. The speech clearly disproved the preconceptions of American politics and the President."

ICC another stumbling block in U.S.-German ties

But the truce between the two countries was short-lived. Fresh differences broke out in the middle of the year over the International Criminal Court or the ICC.

On July first, the statute for the ICC was scheduled to come into effect. The U.N.-sponsored project was supported by all European countries, but along with those of China and Russia, the U.S.’s signature was missing.

Earlier in the year, the 60th member state had ratified the statute. U.S. president Bush had tried, with a symbolic gesture, to stop the treaty from entering into force by nullifying former U.S. president Bill Clinton’s existing signature.

Bush reasoned that countries, who were hostile toward America, could manipulate the ICC. He feared that after military action in Iraq, charges could be brought against U.S. soldiers at the court in the Hague.

Bosnian mandate poses new dilemma to Germany

That summer when the extension of the U.N. mandate for Bosnia was back on the table, the U.S. used its veto in the security council in order to guarantee immunity for its citizens at the Hague tribunal.

That presented an additional problem for the government in Berlin: the deployment of 1,500 German soldiers for the SFor peace keeping troops was at stake. The squabble within the security council over the extension of the U.N. mandate lasted over two weeks.

The dispute ended with a compromise: U.S soldiers under U.N. deployment were granted limited immunity and the U.N.’s Bosnian mandate was extended another six months.

Germany wary of America's strident tone

But the irritation over the American government’s attitude still remained. Moreover, President Bush stepped up his threats against Iraq, vowing to overthrow Sadam Hussein.

The German government now saw their hope that President Bush would take a softer stance disappointed. There was also a mood swing within the German population.

At the same time, the German elections were reaching their high point. German Chancellor Schröder, in an effort to sway pacifist voters made the Iraq question a central plank of his election platform in September.

"In certain existential questions, there is only one obvious answer- and there’s no way to avoid the issue: I am against a military intervention in Iraq. And under my leadership, Germany will not take part in such action."

Comment by German minister worsens situation

However, Schröder’s rejection of military strikes against Iraq, seen by his critics as populist electioneering, wasn’t the only event that caused commotion in Washington.

A German newspaper article in September claimed that the German Justice minister Herta Däubler-Gmelin had compared US-President Bush to Hitler. She denied the allegation but the U.S. government was outraged. As a consequence, Herta Däubler-Gmelin lost her post as Justice minister.

Fischer snubbed by Washington

Foreign minister Fischer attempted to pour oil on troubled waters.

"The U.S. isn’t just for us, but also for other European countries, the most important partner outside of Europe. We will never forget that the liberation from National Socialism was only possible with assistance from the USA, the oldest democracy. We will never forget that German unification- a peaceful and free re-unification- very much depended on the involvement of the American president. Those are the fact, and we will continue our relationship on time honoured and good footing and do our best to make sure things get even better," he said.

The White house however turned a cold shoulder to Fischer’s overtures: It didn’t send a good luck telegram to Schröder for his election victory, an otherwise customary gesture.

Germany's international commitments could improve ties

Things mildly improved end of September. Germany was voted in as a non-permanent member of the U.N. Security Council for a two year term. Germany received 180 out of 183 allocated votes. The U.S also gave Germany its vote. It was, as U.S. ambassador James Cunningham said after the vote, an "obvious" decision.

The broad agreement in the U.N. general assembly was also a result of the fact that Germany had increased its commitments in peace operations.

With almost 10,000 soldiers, Germany provides the second largest overall contingent. And from March 1st, 2003, Germany will be co-leading the ISAF security force in Afghanistan- a concession to the USA that should help defuse German-American tensions.