Opportunity for both sides

Monday's meeting between the democratically elected leaders of Serbia and Albania was a first in the history of the Balkans.

In both countries, the media tossed about the trite term "historic" as a means to cushion the discomfort of the predominantly nationalist electorate.

At best, the late date of the meeting is "historic." Sure, better later than never, but the meeting comes 100 years too late!

Both Belgrade and Tirana are a two-hour flight away from Berlin and Brussels, but they are light years away from each other. Guests are treated with special respect in the Balkans - even if they are perceived as the enemy. Yet what can such a meeting achieve apart from political macho rituals and pathetic handshakes? Certainly no concrete results. For those, it's necessary to openly address the existing problems.

The Belgrade scandal

They didn't get that far at their first meeting in Belgrade. In the presence of his guest, Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic called mentioning Kosovo's independence a "provocation" he hadn't expected from Edi Rama. Of course, Vucic would have greatly preferred to discuss the economy, future youth get-togethers and other safe topics with his Albanian colleague. That was wishful thinking: his guest didn't want to miss the opportunity to act as an advocate of independent Kosovo on Serbian soil.

The former Serbian province remains a bone of contention between Tirana and Belgrade. Kosovo must feel like quite the object of desire - even though it ranks among the poorest of Europe's poor countries.

Officially, Belgrade and Tirana have proclaimed the inviolability of the borders and their relatively small significance in a united Europe. But even this official assumption is politically explosive: When Serbia speaks of its borders, it includes Kosovo. Albania, on the other hand, is talking about the borders of a second Albanian state in the Balkans: an independent Kosovo.

Most citizens who voted for these politicians are more outspoken. In bars in Belgrade, Pristina and Tirana, people are openly discussing where the border between Greater Albania and Greater Serbia should be.

A visible and an invisible agenda

After a long period of silence, a visible and an invisible agenda have evolved between the two Balkan states. What's visible is a rational attitude on the part of politicians in Belgrade and Tirana, conditioned by the cash showered on them by the European Union. After all, both states want to join the EU. The yearning of many Albanians and Serbs for national unity in one state respectively remains invisible, but real.

Yet there are differences: Over the past decade, international pressure has forced Serbia to give up its ambitions for a Greater Serbia. Yugoslavia was the only state where almost all Serbs lived. When dreams of a Greater Serbia occasionally resurface, they are either populist lapses with no consequences or the post-mortal convulsions of a past radicalism. Today, Serbia has neither political nor economic space to dream.

The Albanian position is more delicate: fantasies of unity harbored by Albanians in Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Greece are, with few exceptions, not anchored in any Albanian political party programs. But in many people's hearts and minds, such longings still exist. That's the reason for the occasional populism of Albanian politicians, but certainly no basis for realistic politics.

EU is the future

In the West, Kosovo Albanians are often granted general victim status. If nothing else, that was the reason that Washington, Berlin, Paris and London immediately recognized Kosovo's independence in 2008. But Pristina and Tirana should not falsely conclude that a renewed border correction favoring "Albanian unity" is possible.

The only joint jurisdiction where all Serbs and all Albanians can live in peace is the EU. That is an opportunity for both peoples and the states they live in. However, should the EU's attractiveness fade, national aspirations will prevail sooner or later.

Often, ethnic nationalism is like religion: A dialogue is not possible where two absolute claims clash and both believe they are right.

The next time they meet, the two premiers should work on minimizing the 100 years of backlog in good neighborly relations. A friendship agreement between Belgrade and Tirana, with a commitment to peacefully solving all their problems and to supporting each other on the path to the EU, would be the right start.